Decision making dissertation

Second, data collected from livestock farmers is used for a holistic analysis of determinants of risk management choices.

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Third, agritourism and non-agritourism farmers are interviewed to explore underlying motives of farmers engaging in agritourism activities, and to find distinguishing farm, farmer and household characteristics of both groups. Fourth, data from farmers in the Ruhr-metropolitan area are collected to analyze their diversification decisions in the peri-urban context.

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    According to Allison, the players who are involved in the political bargaining process that takes place during policy making represent a specific department or agency who have their own interests to protect, but these interests are also used to impose on policy-making.

    Therefore, the preferences that are related to these different organisations tend to reflect a certain bias that favours one organisation and can come into conflict with the recommendations of other groups.

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    In this chapter, I shall mention the three main American state institutions that were responsible for coordinating policy on Iraq, however, what is more important, are the main actors that sat atop of these institutions, and how they as individuals affected policy making on Iraq. The Department of State is the lead institution that is responsible for American foreign policy. These goals and objectives are important factors that are adhered to for 53 Allison, Essence of Decision, His tenure as Secretary of State ran from 21st January, to 26th January, The head of the institution is the Secretary of Defense, which before and during the invasion of Iraq was Donald Rumsfeld.

    S bureaucratic Politicsand the Decision to Invade Iraq, The next section to this dissertation will answer many of the questions on the neo-conservatives. Who were they? What were their goals?

    What positions did they hold in the administration? These questions will be answered in the next section, and the public infighting between the neo-cons and the other departments of the Bush administration will represent a strong case for the governmental politics model put forward by Allison. The analysis of Neoconservatism as an ideology rather than an institution should help justify my selection of the role of the neoconservatives in foreign policy decision- making. The governmental politics model plays an important role in explaining the role of delegation by Bush on Foreign Policy.

    Unlike his father, Bush had little foreign policy expertise, so it was his prerogative to delegate and ask for advice from his principal advisors who were skilled in the deliberative process of foreign policy. I shall open this section by repeating what I discussed in Chapter two. To numerous members of the Bush administration, it was an embarrassment to the United States that Saddam Hussein had remained in power after the first Gulf War, and thus pushed President Bush to push for active regime change in Iraq.

    Thus, it is possible to provide the first link between decision making on Iraq and the governmental politics model. According to Khong, there are four main tenets to neo-conservative foreign policy thought. Gardner ed. This works by distinguishing between liberal democratic regimes and tyrannical regimes and thus that morality should be tied to diplomacy.

    Secondly, it stresses the importance of the maintenance of U. Finally, its advocates share a deep distrust and scepticism of international law and the institutions that abide by them. This is because neoconservatives believe that they are too weak and are unable to bring about peace and justice effectively.


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    The second link that I shall discuss relates back to the main point put forward by Allison when describing the governmental politics model. This is that government decisions are made as a result of bureaucratic bargaining. It is then possible to place the leaders, which Allison refers to, at the top of these organisations. Donald Rumsfeld, as the secretary of Defense, is the head of the Department of Defense. Although this section could be seen as too much a story-telling narrative, it highlights the key discussions that took place between different sides of the administration and how the interests of key actors affected negotiations on foreign policy.

    This is that the decision to invade Iraq was a result of competition and bureaucratic infighting between the different heads of government departments that existed in the Bush administration. However, much of the rationale for infighting can be identified by assessing the long standing policy positions that these lead advisors maintained on Iraq.

    Both of these advisors had personal misgivings about Iraq as a security threat to the United States. The general consensus between these actors was to deter any possibility of a threat to the pre-eminent position of the United States. Powell and Armitage were both regarded as moderates in the Bush administration. Despite agreeing with Cheney, Rumsfeld and other neoconservatives in the administration that the US should maintain its qualitative military supremacy, they strayed away from neoconservative ideology on the use of multilateralism in maintaining that supremacy.

    Furthermore, both disagreed on the use of ideology on foreign policy. This position put them in direct conflict with the neoconservatives, especially Condoleezza Rice and Paul Wolfowitz. The infighting that took place was in regards to the American response to the attacks. According to Powell, the public were concerned with Al Qaeda, not Iraq. There were two different positions held by Wolfowitz and Powell. On the other hand, Powell wanted to continue to utilize the proper diplomatic initiatives that were available in the form of political and financial sanctions.

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    However, Powell eventually agreed on the use of military force in Iraq, but that the use of force should remain limited. Both Powell and Wolfowitz were faced with departmental constraints that made each of the two policy advisors stand firm on their beliefs on Iraq by putting forward recommendations that came in direct conflict with one another. Rice was held in high regard by Bush, and was even given the role of notifying Powell that a decision had been made to go to war with Iraq.

    Woodward claims that Rice was the only close advisor who Bush personally questioned on whether the U.

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    S should go to war with Iraq. However, what is more important is that her success was attributed to the personal relationship she shared with Bush. This had a profound impact on U. Furthermore, the bureaucratic infighting that took place later in the meetings on war in Iraq continued over the issue of tactics on invasion. A multilateral effort would see the war in Iraq as legitimate by the United Nations.


    The bureaucratic negotiations that took place would give victory to Powell and the State Department as President Bush agreed that the US would use the UN General Assembly Plenary session in the autumn of as the forum to make the case for the removal of Saddam Hussein. S Foreign Policy, Furthermore, as Secretary of State, Powell was expected to involve the United Nations as part of the American tactical strategy to gather diplomatic support for the effort against Iraq.

    As Secretary of State, it was expected that that someone who held this position would advocate for international support. I have addressed the key issues without any major form of criticism as all of these points are relevant and can be compared to points made by Allison. The next section will look at criticisms of the model and what areas of analysis are left out when looking at foreign policy decision-making.

    As seen from the account I have given about the decision making process that took place preceding the invasion of Iraq, much of the detail has tended to focus on the different actors who represented respective departments of government. Although this was accurate in the case of Iraq, this example, as well as the wider use of the governmental politics model tends to underestimate the power and role of the President.

    The unique character of the President is his responsibility to make the final decision or choice on policy, and is a feature that is constantly overlooked by Allison. This can be seen in President Bush. However, what is left out is what interests the President may also have in conducting a certain policy measure. In this context, it was clear that Bush, unlike his predecessors, was interested in and receptive to the idea of removing Saddam Hussein from power by using military force.

    His position gave a starting advantage to the neoconservatives and a strong disadvantage to representatives of the State Department, notably Powell. Secondly, the power of the President also rests on his ability to appoint and dismiss the positions of those who are close to him. S bureaucratic Politicsand the Decision to Invade Iraq, , Although not all of these positions were filled by neoconservatives, namely Rumsfeld and Cheney, they all shared the same position on regime change in Iraq.

    Therefore, Bush can be seen as being directly responsible for the ascension of the neoconservative ideology on foreign policy. S security interests. As I have mentioned throughout this chapter, it is not possible to downplay the role of bureaucracy in foreign policy. However, there are a few criticisms that can identified, and like the rational actor model, these are criticisms that reflect the wider use of the governmental politics model, not just on Iraq, but on other examples of foreign policy decision making.